The views of communists in ignoring caste are entirely in league with civil society. The civil society cannot see beyond a universal abstract citizen and the communists cannot see beyond their proletariat for whose welfare they wage this gigantic struggle; the end result of which is the dictatorship of politburo or in reality a kind of oligarchy or dictatorship of a man. Rest of the minnows stand in a line and nod their heads in agreement to their leaders’ opinions, statements and actions. If they do not nod it then state coercive power comes into play and makes them to change their minds and fall in line. The opposition from superior power creates great flexibility and tolerance as evident in the case of Hindus when they faced the Muslim rulers’ might. The actual ownership of the means of productions does not lie with the people collectively but with the politburo. Only the politburo has the right to take any decisions about means of production and distribution, which makes them de facto owners. The collective ownership is a fable, which is passed around to keep the cadres in a state of tranquil mental disposition. Earlier people were using their labor for the benefit of ruling classes and still they do it. Only the ruling classes have changed along with the philosophy.
The communists in Indian do not find it necessary to attack the caste separately which is the basic exploitative structure of the Hindu society.It decides the distribution of power and means of production and also the structure of power hierarchy within communist party. The solution to the problem of caste is supposed to be found within the framework of Marxist theory. The caste belongs to the superstructure (or society) and not to the economic base. The deciding factor is the structure of economic base which decides the structure of society. The people owning land and capital belong to ruling class and people owning labor belong to exploited class. However in Hindu society the caste structure is an encompassing concept, which unleashes powerful economic, political and social forces to decide the distribution of means of production. It is not a passive structure. Both the society structure and economic base (property ownership) reinforce each other. However according to communist thinking an equal redistribution of land would eliminate the caste and its problems. The ensuing economic equalization would lead to social equalization. However the caste has maintained itself strongly in the areas where the supposed caste eliminating land reforms have taken place. The supposed economic equalization has not led to intermixing of bloodlines and neither has it prevented the preferential treatment extended automatically to upper castes. The economic equality has not led to social equality, and by extension in power. One main reason for the non-importance of caste is the absence of lower caste people in the communist ideologues. The top echelon of communist power structure is firmly occupied by upper castes on an enduring basis like the helms of power in Varna dharma. They are also not interested in finding caste as culprit because they also do not like to find faults with their forefathers and present kith and kin. All these faults are covered behind the veil of economic base. They are not bothered about who made this base and who still maintains it. In defenders of Varna dharma, mainstream, civil society and communist there is the mention of vested interest in maintaining the caste system. But there is no attempt to identify these vested interests and the beneficiaries of the acts of such vested interests and the duration of maintenance of this system and the extent of exploitation. All the fingers would point to them, their forefathers and their kith and kin.